[Thucydides] Bauer, Carl Ludwig.

Thucydides – De Bello Peloponnesiaco Libri Octo Cum Versione Latina Et Variis Lectionibus Ex Editione Caroli Ludovici Baueri Accurate Expressi.

Bilingual Edition (Greek-Latin). Three Volumes [complete set]. Oxford, J.Parker, 1811. Octavo. Pagination: Volume I:XXIV, 440 pages / Volume II: 418 pages / Volume III: 266 pages plus 60 unnumbered pages of Index Rerum and Index Verborum. Hardcover / Original full leather with gilt lettering and ornament on spine and boards. Occasional annotations and textmarkings. Bindings rubbed and a little dusty but very firm and overall in very good condition with only minor signs of wear.Hinges all attached with only the front boards of Volume I and II slightly starting. Besides a few dogears a nd minor signs of only occasional foxing in very good + condition. From the library of Daniel Conner (Connerville / Manch House), with his Exlibris / Bookplate to pastedown. This is a rare version of this text !

Thucydides (c. 460 – c. 400 BC) was an Athenian historian and general. His History of the Peloponnesian War recounts the fifth-century BC war between Sparta and Athens until the year 411 BC. Thucydides has been dubbed the father of “scientific history” by those who accept his claims to have applied strict standards of impartiality and evidence-gathering and analysis of cause and effect, without reference to intervention by the gods, as outlined in his introduction to his work.

Thucydides has been called the father of the school of political realism, which views the political behaviour of individuals and the subsequent outcomes of relations between states as ultimately mediated by, and constructed upon, fear and self-interest. His text is still studied at universities and military colleges worldwide. The Melian dialogue is regarded as a seminal text of international relations theory, while his version of Pericles’s Funeral Oration is widely studied by political theorists, historians, and students of the classics. More generally, Thucydides developed an understanding of human nature to explain behaviour in such crises as plagues, massacres, and wars.

Thucydides believed that the Peloponnesian War represented an event of unmatched importance. As such, he began to write the History at the onset of the war in 431 BC. He declared his intention was to write an account which would serve as “a possession for all time”. The History breaks off near the end of the twenty-first year of the war (411 BC), in the wake of the Athenian defeat at Syracuse, and so does not elaborate on the final seven years of the conflict.

The History of the Peloponnesian War continued to be modified well beyond the end of the war in 404 BC, as exemplified by a reference at Book I.1.13 to the conclusion of the war. After his death, Thucydides’s History was subdivided into eight books: its modern title is the History of the Peloponnesian War. This subdivision was most likely made by librarians and archivists, themselves being historians and scholars, most likely working in the Library of Alexandria.

Thucydides is generally regarded as one of the first true historians. Like his predecessor Herodotus, known as “the father of history”, Thucydides places a high value on eyewitness testimony and writes about events in which he probably took part. He also assiduously consulted written documents and interviewed participants about the events that he recorded. Unlike Herodotus, whose stories often teach that a hubris invites the wrath of the deities, Thucydides does not acknowledge divine intervention in human affairs.

Thucydides exerted wide historiographical influence on subsequent Hellenistic and Roman historians, although the exact description of his style in relation to many successive historians remains unclear. Readers in antiquity often placed the continuation of the stylistic legacy of the History in the writings of Thucydides’s putative intellectual successor Xenophon. Such readings often described Xenophon’s treatises as attempts to “finish” Thucydides’s History. Many of these interpretations, however, have garnered significant scepticism among modern scholars, such as Dillery, who spurn the view of interpreting Xenophon qua Thucydides, arguing that the latter’s “modern” history (defined as constructed based on literary and historical themes) is antithetical to the former’s account in the Hellenica, which diverges from the Hellenic historiographical tradition in its absence of a preface or introduction to the text and the associated lack of an “overarching concept” unifying the history.

A noteworthy difference between Thucydides’s method of writing history and that of modern historians is Thucydides’s inclusion of lengthy formal speeches that, as he states, were literary reconstructions rather than quotations of what was said—or, perhaps, what he believed ought to have been said. Arguably, had he not done this, the gist of what was said would not otherwise be known at all—whereas today there is a plethora of documentation—written records, archives, and recording technology for historians to consult. Therefore, Thucydides’s method served to rescue his mostly oral sources from oblivion. We do not know how these historical figures spoke. Thucydides’s recreation uses a heroic stylistic register. A celebrated example is Pericles’ funeral oration, which heaps honour on the dead and includes a defence of democracy:

″ The whole earth is the sepulchre of famous men; they are honoured not only by columns and inscriptions in their own land, but in foreign nations on memorials graven not on stone but in the hearts and minds of men.″

Stylistically, the placement of this passage also serves to heighten the contrast with the description of the plague in Athens immediately following it, which graphically emphasises the horror of human mortality, thereby conveying a powerful sense of verisimilitude:

“Though many lay unburied, birds and beasts would not touch them, or died after tasting them […]. The bodies of dying men lay one upon another, and half-dead creatures reeled about the streets and gathered round all the fountains in their longing for water. The sacred places also in which they had quartered themselves were full of corpses of persons who had died there, just as they were; for, as the disaster passed all bounds, men, not knowing what was to become of them, became equally contemptuous of the property of and the dues to the deities. All the burial rites before in use were entirely upset, and they buried the bodies as best they could. Many from want of the proper appliances, through so many of their friends having died already, had recourse to the most shameless sepultures: sometimes getting the start of those who had raised a pile, they threw their own dead body upon the stranger’s pyre and ignited it; sometimes they tossed the corpse which they were carrying on the top of another that was burning, and so went off.”

Thucydides omits discussion of the arts, literature, or the social milieu in which the events in his book take place and in which he grew up. He saw himself as recording an event, not a period, and went to considerable lengths to exclude what he deemed frivolous or extraneous. (Wikipedia)

• Keywords: Altphilologie · Catalogue Greek History & Philosophy · Classical Literature · Classical Literature – Rare · Classical Philology · Classical Studies · Classical Studies – Rare · Classics · Greek History · Greek Philosophy · Philologie · Philology
• Language: Greek - Latin
• Inventory Number: 32394AB

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